Jakarta’s policies are eroding the nation’s democratic health. To preserve its democracy, Indonesia must reconsider its current cyber-policy and rethink its political censorship measures, Thomas Paterson writes.
An off-target approach to Indonesia’s cyber-issues
Learning to live Indonesian Islam
How the US is upsetting the Asia-Pacific regional order
Indonesian Parties Changing Their Spots?
“If I go to the parliament in Jakarta, it’s easy for me to just call up someone and ask ‘do you have time for a chat?’ They might be a member of parliament or head of a commission, but often times they are willing to talk. That’s the sort of access you just don’t get in Australia, especially if you’re a young guy that doesn’t have a name as a high-flying journalist or a diplomat or a professor.”
Tom Power is a PhD candidate studying how Indonesian parties adapt as they alternate in and out of office. His research revolves around case studies on the current governing party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), and on a former coalition party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
Tom researches by probing government and party officials on party fundraising and organisation. “To get these interviews,” he explains, “its sort of like snowballing.” For one of his first interviews, Tom sent an email to a rising star within the PKS — and, for a change of pace, got a response.
After interviewing her, she introduced him to other politicians who then introduced him to more party members. “Usually you interview them and they say ‘here’s the number of such-and-such’. It’s like you’re always on the hunt for someone to meet.”
His trophy collection includes several government ministers, the leader of PKS, and the secretary-general of PDIP. The secretary-general had noticed him at a couple of party events and one day asked Tom “to come up to Medan for a day and we’ll attend an event.” Flying first-class there, Tom spent the whole day chatting with him and attended meetings with other party elites.
The willingness of these politicians to talk to Tom is astounding, not just because of their seniority, but also because Tom is investigating how they funnel government money into party coffers.
“There’s a bit of a culture of impunity,” Tom tentatively remarks. “Indonesian politicians feel more comfortable talking to foreigners rather than local researchers — because they think a foreigner is less likely to dob them in.”
Indonesia ranks 90 out of 176 on the corruption perception index and much academic discourse on its public affairs analyses its patronage politics — where politicians offer money or power in exchange for votes.
Many politicians illegally take money from the state or use government positions to obtain kickbacks. And because Indonesian public subventions are too small to prop up most political parties, much of this money flows back into the party to feed itself.
But when parties are kicked out of government, they fall harder than a disowned trust fund baby. In 2010 the PKS, when it was in power, held a famous party conference in the Ritz Carlton, which Tom described as, “all-expenses paid, in the centre of Jakarta, with Swiss chefs preparing every meal.”
“And five years later, I went to the next party conference that was in a budget hotel in a satellite city of Jakarta. Outside the hotel, there was a market where party members were selling stuff to each other to raise money to donate back to the party. It was a classic example of the party basically going broke.”
Yet, PKS’s downfall was the eureka moment for Tom’s research. A year after losing power, PKS ousted many elderly leaders and replaced them with young blood. The new leaders immediately transformed the party from a pluralistic and inclusive party to an ideologically rigid party with a greater emphasis on grassroots activism.
The reforms helped the party field more competitive candidates, winning sub-national districts and more access to patronage. Party leaders also cultivated more zealous party sympathisers, increasing the flow of grassroots donations and expanding the pool of loyal recruits willing to run for elections.
Using the PDIP as another example, Tom explains that when in power it originally operated as a clientelistic party — which uses patronage politics to maintain its rule. But when voters kicked them out of office, they cleaned up their act and focused on ideological activism, fielding competitive candidates, and nurturing a strong party base. They had remoulded themselves as, what political scientists call, a ‘cadre party’. But, when back in government, they immediately relapsed into a clientelistic party.
Tom uses these examples to show the importance of understanding how political parties adapt as they shuffle through the revolving door of power. His research is also significant in that it explores a widely neglected field of political science.
“There is literature on party type, there is literature on change of party type, but there isn’t really literature on how being in and out of government affects party type. That’s something new. If these patterns are seen in other countries, this could be a new theory in political party operation.”
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Indonesia: From paradox to partnership
Whilst Australia and Indonesia have shared strategic challenges in the past, we are now seeing a convergence of interests that should see cooperation, rather than rivalry, defining bilateral relations.
Of course a convergence of strategic interests is a necessary, but not sufficient condition for cooperation. Australia and Indonesia will need strong leadership, long-term policy making, and a concerted shift in strategic thinking.
As it stands today, Indonesia represents a paradox in our defence planning. It is potentially one of our greatest strategic assets or greatest future threats. Indonesia forms the first line of defence between Australia and any intrusive hostile power. However, Indonesia will also be the major power with its military assets closest to Australia.
According to PricewaterhouseCoopers, Indonesia will be the fourth largest economy in the world by 2050. It is highly likely that this economic strength will gradually translate into comparable military strength. We must move quickly to ensure that a rapidly strengthening Indonesia will be a solution rather than a problem for Australia. Unfortunately, we have not yet recognised the important role Indonesia will play in our strategic future.
Minister for Foreign Affairs Julie Bishop and our defence planners continue to see Australia’s defence as relying primarily on American power in Asia. Admittedly, receding US primacy is not a certainty, but with the rise of China, a far more contested Asia is. This will have significant implications for both Australian and Indonesian defence planning. We must both consider new answers to the same old question: How do we best prevent the intrusion of a potentially hostile power into maritime South East Asia?
It is in the answer to this question that Indonesia and Australia find the most common ground. In a contested Asia, both countries will need to look closely at the sorts of strategic alignments that will best serve to prevent a hostile power intruding into maritime South East Asia.
For Indonesia, ASEAN is no longer the answer, due to a geographically driven divergence of common interests in the face of a rising China. For Australia, we need to seek security partners aside from the US. It should be acknowledged that Indonesia, simply as a consequence of geography, is our most logical security partner. It certainly presents greater advantages than the other oft-proposed options of Japan or India.
Indeed, the time could be right for a deeper partnership, whether it is formal or informal. Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) appear to be cultivating a close personal relationship. That being said, during Jokowi’s February 2017 visit to Australia, bilateral defence cooperation was a far second to trade and investment on the list of priorities.
It was only in an interview given before the Australia trip that Jokowi drew attention to shared security issues. Jokowi suggested joint patrols in the South China Sea, only to backtrack as a result of domestic disapproval and outright rejection by Bishop and Turnbull. But perhaps this slip of the tongue does open up the question of what deeper cooperation could look like, and what it might achieve.
Australia would benefit significantly from a more capable Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI), Indonesia’s equivalent of the Australian Defence Force (ADF). A more balanced TNI force structure, in favour of naval and air capabilities, would more effectively protect Indonesia’s air and maritime approaches. This would consequently better protect Australia’s approaches.
Jokowi has clearly prioritised Indonesia’s transformation into a maritime power with his announcement of a ‘global maritime axis.’ Though admittedly a vague set of policies, Jokowi’s maritime vision signals clear intentions, and Australia has an unprecedented opportunity to contribute to this transformation.
To make the most of this opportunity Australia needs to go beyond the simple staff exchanges, military aid and joint military exercises that have made up our partnership in previous years. We must transition into a relationship of equals and pursue deeper cooperation that might include the much tougher areas of defence procurement, capability planning, joint maritime surveillance, and increased force interoperability.
Australia is currently uniquely placed with its air and naval ‘capability edge’ to help shape a TNI rebalance. However, this window of opportunity is closing fast. Over the next 15-20 years, the contribution Australia could make to a partnership would be comparatively small based on current defence procurement and force structure. Certainly, 12 undelivered submarines will not make a meaningful contribution to any future partnership in the event of regional conflict.
Unfortunately, Australia’s 2016 Defence White Paper does little more than acknowledge Indonesia’s long-term importance to Australia. It fails to outline the sort of ambitious steps that would be required to see the full potential of this relationship realised. And that is exactly what we need on both sides, ambitious steps.
For too long we have focused our attention on the little issues and pitfalls that loom so large in our bilateral ties. There has been seemingly endless tit-for-tat diplomacy involving the recalling of ambassadors and unilateral suspension of everything from live exports to military cooperation. This prevents us from looking at the bigger picture and making meaningful progress.
To progress we need to stop taking an increasingly powerful Indonesia for granted. Instead, we must start laying the groundwork of a relationship that could support a meaningful and effective future security partnership.
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How to end ‘Tawuran’ in Indonesia
Tawuran, the phenomenon of street fighting between high school gangs in Indonesian has placed student’s lives danger. Dikanaya Tarahita and Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat report on why the Tawuran is now large among Indonesian students, and what must be done to end the dangerous school tradition.
The number of cases of street fighting in Indonesia has increased in recent years. For instance, in Yogyakarta, a city that has the largest number of students in the country, there has been a rise in student violence, with 43 cases reported in 2016 . A more recent example is a bloody brawl that occurred among some students in Ciputat earlier in April 2017. Based on police reports, students threw stones at each other. In its aftermath, police confiscated these from involved students, along with Celurit, machetes, and swords in order to prevent another outbreak.
A fight that has been broadly reported on involved students from SMK Adi Luhur and SMK Bunda Kandung. One student fighter died in the incident, while the other sustained major injuries. The fight was recorded and uploaded with a witness’ mobile and shared widely on social media platforms.
The increase in Tawuran fights is a serious cause for concern. High school students bring their collection of weapons to school, including knives, machetes and sickles in order to be prepared for when a brawl occurs.
This anarchic behaviour has a negative impact not only on victims and perpetrators of the violence, but on the wider community. Tawuran incidents often occur in spaces open to the general public. The gangs will sometimes vandalise public and private property.
[caption id="attachment_5905" align="aligncenter" width="500"] The arsenal of weaponry displayed by on Tawuran fighter boastfully on Twitter [/caption]
What causes Tawuran?
There are many reasons why Tawuran continues in Indonesia.
It is argued that juvenile delinquencies has flourished due to the degradation of moral ethics amongst some Indonesian students. Scholars have identified that the spread of Tawuran is due to schools paying little attention to character building and student thought, failing to foster mature approaches to treating each other with respect.
Most cases occur between schools that share a long history of street fighting. Starting from Orientation day, new students are taught to hate students from enemy schools. This disharmony is implanted as part of a tradition inherited from senior classmates to junior classmates. Nowadays, not even the root cause for two schools to be fighting against each other is of importance, only the knowledge that a students from an adversary school is their enemy.
Students perceive winning a Tawuran fight as a demonstration of strength and toughness, placing them higher up into a chain of school hireachy in which the those at the top are feared by the rest. Senior students will ask first years to join their gang. In the case where a student refuses, they will be branded as someone with no solidarity to their Almamater. The gang will threaten them by saying that unless the student joins them, they will not defend the student from pursuit by an adversary school’s fighters. Peer pressure is often the strongest reason for Tawuran’s existence in Indonesia.
Joining the school’s gang earns the adoration of fellow classmates who encourage them to use violent methods to defend their Almamater. This harmful perception leads to a lack of respect for sportsmanship among students. At various inter-school sports competitions, the winning team may have their school’s pride tested by follow up street fighting against an opposing school.
[related_article align="left" show_image="yes" index=1 text="Increasing boys prostitution in Indonesia"]
Tawuran may be conducive to the environment in which a student lives in. This has been the case for those living in densely populated areas. Provided only with low levels of education in families that are financially strangled or living in the slums of Jakarta, some students join Tawuran gangs as a means of survival.
Solutions to ending Tawuran
It is undeniable that concrete efforts are needed to end the continuous phenomenon of street fighting in Indonesia. The government must issue a law prohibiting Tawuran with stern penalties to both the students and the schools involved in the brawls. Strong warnings must be given to students who perpetrate violence and incite hatred among other students. A possible tactic is participating student’s suspension from school.
Enforcing punishments should be complimented with efforts to promote and educate Indonesian society about the dangers of Tawuran. This can be carried out through public seminars and announcements, and in mainstream media. Media production industries need to consider the impact of serials or movies that depict gang violence and street fighting in a glorified and unrealistic manner on its young viewership.
Education that pays attention to both academic achievements and character building should be promoted by the Ministry of Education. Studies on moral ethnics could be incorporated into standard curriculum, and given equal priority and time as other studies such Science and Mathematics. The government must realise that to develop the country’s next leaders, it is not sufficient enough to only emphasis academic qualifications. Respect for other people must also be taught if the country is to sustain a peaceful and dignified Indonesia.
Schools should foster closer communications with pupils’ parents, as efforts to develop students’ characters take place not only in school, but also at home and with their families.
Tawuran is a serious problem affecting the peacefulness of everyday life in Indonesia. Efforts need to be made by different sectors of society in order to promote a culture of respect among high school students, lest they grow up to continue the volatile practice of Tawuran into adulthood.
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Increasing boys prostitution in Indonesia
He walks into the terrace house with a red face, and lowered head. He shakes hands and sits on the floor cross-legged. His head bowed down, staring at the floor at the Safe House for the Children in East Jakarta. In his 16 years Castro (pseudo name) has lived a life that many of us know nothing about. He spent four months this year being trafficked as a child prostitute.
He sits in silence. The sounds of the throaty croaking of frogs and the pat, pat, pat of raindrops falling on the rooftop fill the room.
A moment later, another boy in a blue navy sweater and chino jeans comes in. He’s followed by the housekeeper Zainal, who says, “He doesn’t want to be interviewed alone.” Brian (pseudo name) wants to join Castro for the interview.
Brian sits beside Castro, straightens his short black hair, and smiles broadly and shakes hands. Brian is 17-years old and has known Castro for more than 12 years.
“You are lucky. You are the first [of who] is able to interview them,” said Zainal.
The boys look at each other, smile and Brian begins to joke around without say anything. Castro brightens and begins joking with him. Together they tell their story that involves tragedy, poverty, and exploitation.
[gallery ids="5438,5437" type="slideshow" orderby="rand"]
Brian and Castro have made the Safe House for Children at Bambu Apus, in East Jakarta. Police brought them here after they were rescued in a police raid on a child prostitution ring in Bogor (30/8) that involved 148 boys.
The National Police’s Criminal Investigation (Bareskrim) arrested three pimps who are accused of selling the boys to men through social media.
The suspects could face multiple charges under article No. 11/2008 on Information and Electronic Transactions (ITE) Law, Law no. 44/2008 on Pornography, and Law no. 21/2007 on Combating Human Trafficking.
[caption id="attachment_5454" align="aligncenter" width="416"] A poster condemning sex with a minor as a crime. The photo was taken at KPAI headquarters in Central Jakarta. Photo by Farabi Ferdiansyah[/caption]
Erlinda, a commissioner from the Indonesia Child Protection Commission (KPAI) said that underage male prostitution in Indonesia is increasing every year. KPAI says in 2016, 300 to 400 boys reported they had been sold for sex.
Erlinda said child pornography and cyber crime reports during January – October 2016 recorded 414 victims. The numbers are higher especially when it comes to trafficking underage males for prostitution. She stated many victims don’t want to report to the KPAI.
Pribudiarta Sitepu a Deputy of Child Protection of The Ministry of Woman’s Empowerment and Children Protection said sexual abuse against boys is higher than the girls. “SKTA (the survey of violence against children) reported 1 of 12 boys, and 1 of 19 girls got sexually abused.”
Authorities say young males are more vulnerable to exploitation. “Because the perpetrator assumes the boy is strong, masculine and will not tell to his parents,” Sitepu added.
[caption id="attachment_5463" align="aligncenter" width="301"] KPAI reports on Child Pornography and Cyber Crime Abuse in Indonesia. Design by Farabi Ferdiansyah[/caption]
A Study by End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purpose (ECPAT) reported children from broken families were much more vulnerable to online sexual abuse that those from non-broken families. If the children could not find happiness and comfort at home, they would look for it outside.
Brian and Castro came from the same town in Nias, North Sumatra. They were just four and five years old when the tsunami swept Nias in 2004 and their lives changed. After the disaster, their parents were living in misery and could not take care of them. So they were adopted by Maranatha Orphanage, Bogor, with many other children.
The boys had free education and lived in the orphanage for 10 years, but two years ago they ran away before finishing the orphanage program. They were bored and wanted freedom.
Esti (pseudo name) a worker at the orphanage said “they've got a problem in the school [being] disobedient to orphanage's rules.”
The orphanage tried to persuade them to come back to the dorm, but the boys could not be found. The boys, who at the time had been 14 and 16 years old, rented a small house in Bogor. They were jobless, alone and vulnerable.
Brian recalls how an older man named Rico befriended them. He flashed money and introduced them to the world of illegal boys sexual exploitation. . Brian said Rico lied to him. “Rico said if you want a job, come to his boarding. When I visit[ed] his boarding, he coerced me to please him. That was not a job that I expected.”
“You don’t need to work hard. Just work one day [and] you can earn more money than the salary of the common people who work hard,” Castro added.
Besides that, they said Rico often treated Brian and Castro to snacks or drinks.
“When you've already been lured in, it is hard to get out,” Castro said.
They need money to pay rent for the house and their living costs.
“Honestly, I feel strange and uncomfortable around them, but it is all about money,” said Brian.
Since they were under 18 years-old, the boys could fetch a better price than adult men. Customers paid between Rp 1.000.000 (75$) to Rp 1.500.000 (113$). Castro and Brian say they earned around Rp 100.000 (8$) to Rp 1.000.000 (75$), normally about Rp 500.000 (38$).
“The highest amount that I received was Rp 1.000.000 (75$), depends on the tip from the guest,” said Brian.
[caption id="attachment_5471" align="aligncenter" width="459"] During 8 cases in September 2016, 168 victims (148 boys and 20 girls) of sexual exploitation and commercial children were sold for sexual services to adults in Indonesia. Graphics by: ECPAT Indonesia.[/caption]
Their pimp, Rico had experience in prostitution business. Rico had already been arrested for online prostitution involving girls. He was sentenced to three years for human trafficking and after serving a two-and-half year in prison was released on 24 November 2015.
With his huge circle of contacts in sex prostitution, he went to work and set up a sex trafficking business involving boys.
To promote the boys, they were required to submit a biography that included their name, age, and a photo. “He asked us to take a picture topless,” said Brian.
After that, he invited the children to his community called RCM (Rico Ceper Management) and added them to his Facebook group, Berondong Bogor.
The boys said Rico used social media, such as Facebook, BBM Messenger, and a gay mobile application to get customers in cities, such as Jakarta, Bandung, and Banten. Besides that, Rico also had a foreign customer such as; Malaysian and Singaporean.
“Sometimes, I went to Jakarta, and sometimes they came to Bogor. Mostly, the customers are from Jakarta. We usually meet in Tebet, South Jakarta,” said Brian. “They provide all transportation and a hotel.”
Almost the customers were adults with good a profession such as police, manager, doctor, and etc. “Most (customers) are adults that are already married - have a wife and family,” Castro said.
Ahmad Sofian, the coordinator of End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purpose (ECPAT) acknowledged that the customers could be considered ‘classy’ men with money. “There are adults over their 30’s that have position (good job).”
[caption id="attachment_5475" align="aligncenter" width="328"] A poster stating #BeAResponsibleTourist meant to inform tourists that buying sexual services from children means prison. Photo taken at ECPAT Indonesia at East Rawajati, South Jakarta. Photo by Farabi Ferdiansyah.[/caption]
Erlinda said child sex abuse in Indonesia is considered an extraordinary crime along with narcotics and terrorism because it corrupts mindset of the children about norms of life. “The wrong of thinking, bad behavior, anti-social, and assume sex with underage or same-sex is normal.”
The Indonesian government supports severe punishments against the perpetrator of child sexual abuse including forced chemical castration or the death penalty. It believes a strong penalty is the only way to stop the child sex abuse.
Recently, the death penalty was imposed on two cases of child sexual abuse in West Jakarta and Bengkulu. This proves that strong state stance against child sex abuse.
Another side to of this story is rehabilitation for the abused children. Erlinda says the victim must get comprehensive rehabilitation for trauma recovery. If they don’t get rehabilitation, the victim might be a perpetrator of child sex abuse.
“[Of] around 70-80 percent of [victims] who do not recieve comprehensive rehabilitation, during [their first] couple months can be[come] a perpetrator or have a personality similar to the perpetrator,” said Erlinda.
Brian and Castro spend their days at the Safe House for Child managed by the Ministry of Social to get rehabilitation under expert surveillance along with the vocational skills to re-enter society.
When they complete their rehabilitation in December, Brian and Castro want to start a new life with their family. “I want [to go] back to Nias - we still have our parents there. We['ve] already [been] living here (Bogor) for 12 years,” Brian said.
Neneng Heryani head of Safe House PSMP Handayani said the progress of Brian and Castro is good. They are learning screen printing and have a good attitude.
“However, living with [their] family is the best rehabilitation for children,” said Neneng.
Neneng said it was hard to find their families in Nias because the boys had not seen their parents for 12 years. They don’t remember the address or siblings. But, finally the team was found their parents after searching for four days.
“We will [be] going to Nias together, and returning Brian and Castro to their family on December 26 - 12 years after the Tsunami disaster,” Neneng added.
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Why being gay in Indonesia is the worst thing you can be
Language and Politics in Indonesia: Creating and sustaining diglossia
‘Diglossia’ is a linguistic term that refers to a situation in which two closely related dialects or languages are used by a single language community.
Bahasa Indonesia, based on ‘revolutionary Malay’, is the national, official language of the Republic of Indonesia. However, there is no standard informal language; the private sphere is filled with various regional languages and dialects. Colloquial Jakartan Indonesian, however, is beginning to acquire the status of the unofficial informal language. The evolution of the relationship between language and politics in Indonesia has created, and continues to sustain, a situation of diglossia.
The Republic of Indonesia is a large nation with great linguistic diversity; it is estimated that one-tenth of the languages in the world are spoken in Indonesia. Such diversity has presented challenges for uniting the nation and developing a national language. As a multilingual polity, Indonesia chose to adopt one of its smaller languages (Malay, renamed Bahasa Indonesia – Indonesian language) as its national language. The Malay language had been the principal lingua franca in the region for perhaps a thousand years; however, it had relatively few native speakers (less than five per cent of the population at the time of independence).
Independence in 1945 saw the establishment of a formal, standardized Indonesian language as a push towards greater uniformity. Article 36 of the Constitution of 1945 declares, “The State language is the Indonesian language.” The birth of the Republic required a means of communication that could “not only express Indonesian nationalism, but Indonesian aspiration, Indonesian traditions and ‘international realities" within the limits of a single vocabulary.”
The diglossic nature of Indonesian has led to a widening rift in society. Mass education and mass communication, along with the omnipresence of government institutions, have created a multitude of domains in which Indonesian is the only appropriate means of communication. Bahasa Indonesia functions as the national, supra-ethnic, official language at the expense of regional languages and dialects that are used for unofficial intra-ethnic communication.
Jakarta, Indonesia’s capital, is not the only major urban population center in Indonesia, but the colloquial Jakartan languages are having an increasing influence on varieties throughout the country. There are two colloquial languages used in Jakarta – bahasa Betawi and bahasa Jakarta. Bahasa Betawi refers to the vernacular of the ‘Anak Betawi’, the original inhabitants of Jakarta, and has developed from the Malay lingua franca. Bahasa Jakarta is the colloquial, informal language used among the Indonesians who have flocked to the city since independence, and is increasingly becoming standardized. Anderson discusses the influence of Jakartan on mainstream mass media by taking the example of newspapers. Newspapers are often divided into two parts: the portion in bahasa Indonesia, which covers all news items, all features, all advertisements and all editorials (about 95 per cent of the newsprint); and secondly, the portion in Jakartan, which covers the pojok (corner-columns) that consist of “biting, anonymous comment on the latest news of the general political or economic situation.” There is immediate contrast between these two sections; the former is “official, ideological, patronizing, and authoritarian” while the latter is “malicious, democratic, humorous, and above all intimate.” Jakartan is the language of everyday communication for the people of Jakarta, a means of self-expression, and Indonesian becomes a language of “political politeness.”
Language and politics are intrinsically linked. The evolution of the relationship between these two entities has served to create and sustain a situation of diglossia in Indonesia. The meanings attached to ‘Bahasa Indonesia’ have evolved throughout Indonesia’s history; its primary role was that of a unifier, however, due to its impersonal and neuter tone it has become the formal language of the public sphere. The private sphere is filled with regional languages, such as Bahasa Jakarta, as an intimate form of expression. For Indonesians, Bahasa Indonesia retains its use as a national unifier. Bahasa Jakarta is, however, increasingly spreading throughout the archipelago.
 Ferguson, C.A. “Diglossia.” Word 15: 325 – 40.
 Sneddon, J. 2003. “Diglossia in Indonesian.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde 159: 520.
 Steinhauer, H. 1994. “The Indonesian language situation and linguistics; Prospects and possibilities.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde 150: 755.
 Paauw, Scott. 2009. “One land, one nation, one language: An analysis of Indonesia’s national language policy.” In H. Lehnert-LeHouillier and A. B. Fine (Eds.), University of Rochester Working Papers in the Language Sciences 5: 2.
 Anderson, Benedict. 1966. “The Languages of Indonesian Politics.” Indonesia 1: 89.
 Steinhauer, H. 1994. “The Indonesian language situation and linguistics; Prospects and possibilities.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde 150: 773.
 Sneddon, J. 2003. “Diglossia in Indonesian.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde 159: 526.
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